Leonidas Schauspieler Leonidas und sein Opfer: Der Film "300"
Schauspielerinnen und Schauspieler. Gerard Butler. Rolle: König Leonidas. Lena Headey. Rolle: Königin Gorgo. Rodrigo Santoro. Rolle: Xerxes. ist eine US-amerikanische Comicverfilmung aus dem Jahr Der Film basiert auf der 30 Jahre später ist dieser Junge der König Leonidas I. von Sparta, als Großkönig Xerxes von Persien mit einer Dazu agierten die Schauspieler in Montréal auf Sets vor Bluescreens und Greenscreens, in die die Hintergründe. Schauspieler, Cast & Crew. Liste der Besetung: Gerard Butler, Lena Headey König Leonidas | Fans. Bekannt für. Gamer. Fan werden. Lena Headey. Auch der Schauspieler Billy Zane (54, "Titanic") weilt derzeit an der Seite von Butler in Griechenland. Dessen Familie hörte einst auf den Namen. Als Schauspieler war er sehr schlecht und ab und zu, wenn er eine Maske tragen musste, war er sehr unglücklich, was er nicht verbergen konnte. Leonidas.
Als Schauspieler war er sehr schlecht und ab und zu, wenn er eine Maske tragen musste, war er sehr unglücklich, was er nicht verbergen konnte. Leonidas. Auch der Schauspieler Billy Zane (54, "Titanic") weilt derzeit an der Seite von Butler in Griechenland. Dessen Familie hörte einst auf den Namen. Der hohe Beamte Leonidas Tachezy erhält einen Brief. Die Jüdin Vera, seine frühere Geliebte, erbittet Hilfe für ihren elfjährigen Jungen. Leonidas bangt um.
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Leonidas Schauspieler Video
Brezhnev was promoted to the Central Committee in and became a full member of the Politburo in Brezhnev's conservative, pragmatic approach to leadership significantly stabilized the position of the Soviet Union and its ruling party.
Whereas Khrushchev regularly enacted policies without consulting the rest of the Politburo, Brezhnev was careful to minimize dissent among the Party membership by reaching decisions through consensus.
Furthermore, the massive arms buildup and widespread military interventionism under Brezhnev's regime significantly expanded the Soviet Union's global influence particularly in the Middle East and Africa.
Conversely, Brezhnev's hostility to political reform ushered in an era of societal decline known as the Brezhnev Stagnation.
In addition to pervasive corruption and falling economic growth, this period was characterized by an increasing technological gap between the Soviet Union and the United States.
Upon coming to power in , Mikhail Gorbachev denounced Brezhnev's government for its pervasive inefficiency and inflexibility before implementing policies to liberalize the Soviet Union.
After , Brezhnev's health rapidly deteriorated and he increasingly withdrew from international affairs. Following years of declining health, he died on 10 November and was succeeded as general secretary by Yuri Andropov.
Brezhnev's ethnicity was given as Ukrainian in some documents, including his passport,    and Russian in others.
Like many youths in the years after the Russian Revolution of , he received a technical education , at first in land management and then in metallurgy.
He graduated from the Kamenskoye Metallurgical Technicum in  and became a metallurgical engineer in the iron and steel industries of eastern Ukraine.
Brezhnev joined the Communist Party youth organisation, the Komsomol , in , and the Party itself in Later in , he became director of the Dniprodzerzhynsk Metallurgical Technicum a technical college; in Kamenskoye was renamed Dniprodzerzhynsk  and was transferred to the regional center of Dnipropetrovsk.
In he became Party Secretary in Dnipropetrovsk,  in charge of the city's defence industries. As a survivor of Stalin's Great Purge of —39, he was able to advance quickly, as the purges created numerous openings in the senior and middle ranks of the Party and state governments.
When Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union on 22 June , Brezhnev was, like most middle-ranking Party officials, immediately drafted.
He worked to evacuate Dnipropetrovsk's industries to the eastern Soviet Union before the city fell to the Germans on 26 August, and then was assigned as a political commissar.
When the Germans occupied Ukraine in , Brezhnev was sent to the Caucasus as deputy head of political administration of the Transcaucasian Front.
In April he became head of the Political Department of the 18th Army. Later that year, the 18th Army became part of the 1st Ukrainian Front , as the Red Army regained the initiative and advanced westward through Ukraine.
He had spent the entire war as a political commissar rather than a military commander. After working on reconstruction projects in Ukraine, he again became General Secretary in Dnipropetrovsk.
Brezhnev sided with Khrushchev against Malenkov, but only for several years. On the surface his brief was simple: to make the new lands agriculturally productive.
In reality Brezhnev became involved in the development of the Soviet missile and nuclear arms programs, including the Baykonur Cosmodrome.
The initially successful Virgin Lands Campaign soon became unproductive and failed to solve the growing Soviet food crisis. Brezhnev was recalled to Moscow in The harvest in the years following the Virgin Lands Campaign was disappointing, which would have hurt his political career had he remained in Kazakhstan.
In February Brezhnev returned to Moscow and was made candidate member of the Politburo assigned in control of the defence industry, the space program including the Baykonur Cosmodrome , heavy industry, and capital construction.
Following the Stalinists' defeat, Brezhnev became a full member of the Politburo. He became Second Secretary of the Central Committee in ,  and in May was promoted to the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet ,  making him the nominal head of state, although the real power resided with Khrushchev as First Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party and Premier.
Khrushchev's position as Party leader was secure until about , but as he aged, he grew more erratic and his performance undermined the confidence of his fellow leaders.
The Soviet Union's mounting economic problems also increased the pressure on Khrushchev's leadership. Brezhnev remained outwardly loyal to Khrushchev, but became involved in a plot to remove him from power, possibly playing a leading role.
After returning from Scandinavia and Czechoslovakia in October , Khrushchev, unaware of the plot, went on holiday in Pitsunda resort on the Black Sea.
Upon his return, his Presidium officers congratulated him for his work in office. Anastas Mikoyan visited Khrushchev, hinting that he should not be too complacent about his present situation.
Vladimir Semichastny , head of the KGB ,  was a crucial part of the conspiracy, as it was his duty to inform Khrushchev if anyone was plotting against his leadership.
Nikolay Ignatov , whom Khrushchev had sacked, discreetly requested the opinion of several Central Committee members. After some false starts, fellow conspirator Mikhail Suslov phoned Khrushchev on 12 October and requested that he return to Moscow to discuss the state of Soviet agriculture.
Finally Khrushchev understood what was happening, and said to Mikoyan, "If it's me who is the question, I will not make a fight of it.
Brezhnev and Nikolai Podgorny appealed to the Central Committee, blaming Khrushchev for economic failures, and accusing him of voluntarism and immodest behavior.
Influenced by Brezhnev's allies, Politburo members voted on 14 October to remove Khrushchev from office. One reason for Khrushchev's ouster was that he continually overruled other party members, and was, according to the plotters, "in contempt of the party's collective ideals".
The Soviet newspaper Pravda wrote of new enduring themes such as collective leadership , scientific planning, consultation with experts, organisational regularity and the ending of schemes.
When Khrushchev left the public spotlight, there was no popular commotion, as most Soviet citizens, including the intelligentsia , anticipated a period of stabilization , steady development of Soviet society and continuing economic growth in the years ahead.
Political scientist George W. Breslauer has compared Khrushchev and Brezhnev as leaders. He argues they took different routes to build legitimate authority, depending on their personalities and the state of public opinion.
Khrushchev worked to decentralize the government system and empower local leadership, which had been wholly subservient; Brezhnev sought to centralize authority, going so far as to weaken the roles of the other members of the Central Committee and the Politburo.
Upon replacing Khrushchev as the party's First Secretary, Brezhnev became the de jure supreme authority in the Soviet Union. However, he was initially forced to govern as part of a troika alongside the country's Premier , Alexei Kosygin , as well as the party's Second Secretary and later Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet , Nikolai Podgorny.
Due to Khrushchev's disregard for the rest of the Politburo upon combining his leadership of the party with that of the Soviet government, a plenum of the Central Committee in October forbade any single individual from holding both the offices of General Secretary and Premier.
He made a bid for the supreme leadership in by calling for the restoration of "obedience and order".
Shelepin failed to gather support in the Presidium and Brezhnev's position was fairly secure; he was able to remove Shelepin from office in By the end of the decade, T.
Rigy argued that a stable oligarchy had emerged in the Soviet Union, with most power vested around Brezhnev, Kosygin and Podgorny.
While the assessment was true at the time, it coincided with Brezhnev decisively cementing his control over the regime. National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger initially perceived Kosygin to be the dominant leader of Soviet foreign policy in the Politburo.
Within the same timeframe, Kosygin was also in charge of economic administration in his role as Chairman of the Council of Ministers.
However, Kosygin's position was weakened following his enactment of several economic reforms in that collectively came to be known within the Party as the " Kosygin reform ".
Due largely to coinciding with the Prague Spring whose sharp departure from the Soviet model led to its armed suppression in , the reforms provoked a backlash among the party's old guard who proceeded to flock to Brezhnev and strengthen his position within the Soviet leadership.
Brezhnev was adept at politics within the Soviet power structure. He was a team player and never acted rashly or hastily.
Unlike Khrushchev, he did not make decisions without substantial consultation from his colleagues, and was always willing to hear their opinions.
In , he forced the retirement of Podgorny and became once again Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union , making this position equivalent to that of an executive president.
While Kosygin remained Premier until shortly before his death in replaced by Nikolai Tikhonov as Premier , Brezhnev was the dominant driving force of the Soviet Union from the mids  to his death in Brezhnev's stabilization policy included ending the liberalizing reforms of Khrushchev, and clamping down on cultural freedom.
The trial of the writers Yuli Daniel and Andrei Sinyavsky in —the first such public trials since Stalin's reign—marked the reversion to a repressive cultural policy.
By the mids, there were an estimated 10, political and religious prisoners across the Soviet Union, living in grievous conditions and suffering from malnutrition.
Many of these prisoners were considered by the Soviet state to be mentally unfit and were hospitalized in mental asylums across the Soviet Union.
Under Brezhnev's rule, the KGB infiltrated most, if not all, anti-government organisations, which ensured that there was little to no opposition against him or his power base.
However, Brezhnev refrained from the all-out violence seen under Stalin's rule. The Soviet leadership gave its approval for this, as the Soviet Union could not afford to maintain its massive subsidy for the Eastern Bloc in the form of cheap oil and gas exports.
By , two years after taking power, Brezhnev abolished the Regional Economic Councils , which were organized to manage the regional economies of the Soviet Union.
The Ninth Five-Year Plan delivered a change: for the first time industrial consumer products out-produced industrial capital goods.
Consumer goods such as watches, furniture and radios were produced in abundance. The plan still left the bulk of the state's investment in industrial capital-goods production.
The policy continued despite Brezhnev's commitment to make a rapid shift of investment to satisfy Soviet consumers and lead to an even higher standard of living.
This did not happen. During —, the Soviet Union was growing economically at a faster pace than the United States and Western Europe.
However, objective comparisons are difficult. The USSR was hampered by the effects of World War II, which had left most of Western USSR in ruins, however Western aid and Soviet espionage in the period — culminating in cash, material and equipment deliveries for military and industrial purposes had allowed the Russians to leapfrog many Western economies in the development of advanced technologies, particularly in the fields of nuclear technology, radio communications, agriculture and heavy manufacturing.
By the early s, the Soviet Union had the world's second largest industrial capacity, and produced more steel, oil, pig-iron , cement and tractors than any other country.
Between and , the Soviet economy stood at roughly half the output per head of Western Europe and a little more than one third that of the U.
The Era of Stagnation , a term coined by Mikhail Gorbachev , was seen as the result of a compilation of factors, including the ongoing "arms race" between the two superpowers, the Soviet Union and the United States ; the decision of the Soviet Union to participate in international trade thus abandoning the idea of economic isolation while ignoring the changes occurring in Western societies; the increasing harshness of its policies, such as sending Soviet tanks to crush the Prague Spring in ; the intervention in Afghanistan ; the stifling domestic bureaucracy overseen by a cadre of elderly men; the lack of economic reform; the political corruption, supply bottlenecks, and other unaddressed structural problems with the economy under Brezhnev's rule.
While Brezhnev, albeit "sporadically",  through Alexei Kosygin , attempted to reform the economy in the late s and s, he ultimately failed to produce any positive results.
One of these reforms was the economic reform of , initiated by Kosygin, though its origins are often traced back to the Khrushchev Era.
The reform was cancelled by the Central Committee , though the Committee admitted that economic problems did exist.
In , the Soviet economy slowed, and began to lag behind that of the West due to the high level of expenditure on the armed forces and too little spending on light industry and consumer goods.
Soviet agriculture could not feed the urban population, let alone provide for the rising standard of living, which the government promised as the fruits of "mature socialism", and on which industrial productivity depended.
One of the most prominent critics of Brezhnev's economical policies was Mikhail Gorbachev who, when leader, called the economy under Brezhnev's rule "the lowest stage of socialism".
The last significant reform undertaken by the Kosygin government , and some believe the pre- perestroika era, was a joint decision of the Central Committee and the Council of Ministers named "Improving planning and reinforcing the effects of the economic mechanism on raising the effectiveness in production and improving the quality of work", more commonly known as the reform.
The reform, in contrast to the reform, sought to increase the central government's economic involvement by enhancing the duties and responsibilities of the ministries.
With Kosygin's death in , and due to his successor Nikolai Tikhonov 's conservative approach to economics, very little of the reform was actually carried out.
During the earlier Tenth Five-Year Plan , they had tried to meet the target of 6. Brezhnev was able to defer economic collapse by trading with Western Europe and the Arab World.
Another dramatic result of Brezhnev's rule was that certain Eastern Bloc countries became more economically advanced than the Soviet Union.
Brezhnev's agricultural policy reinforced the conventional methods for organizing the collective farms. Output quotas continued to be imposed centrally.
These improved results were not encouraging. In the Soviet Union the criterion for assessing agricultural output was the grain harvest.
The import of cereal, which began under Khrushchev, had in fact become a normal phenomenon by Soviet standards. When Brezhnev had difficulties sealing commercial trade agreements with the United States, he went elsewhere, such as to Argentina.
Trade was necessary because the Soviet Union's domestic production of fodder crops was severely deficient.
Brezhnev's way of resolving these issues was to increase state investment. Politburo member Gennady Voronov advocated for the division of each farm's work-force into what he called "links".
His argument was that the larger the work force, the less responsible they felt. Voronov was also unsuccessful; Brezhnev turned him down, and in he was removed from the Politburo.
Experimentation with "links" was not disallowed on a local basis, with Mikhail Gorbachev , the then First Secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee, experimenting with links in his region.
In the meantime, the Soviet government's involvement in agriculture was, according to Robert Service, otherwise "unimaginative" and "incompetent".
In the meantime, the state's subsidies to the food-and-agriculture sector did not prevent bankrupt farms from operating: rises in the price of produce were offset by rises in the cost of oil and other resources.
The cost of other resources had also climbed by the late s. Brezhnev's answer to these problems was to issue two decrees, one in and one in , which called for an increase in the maximum size of privately owned plots within the Soviet Union to half a hectare.
These measures removed important obstacles for the expansion of agricultural output, but did not solve the problem.
This was seen by some as proof that de-collectivization was necessary to prevent Soviet agriculture from collapsing, but leading Soviet politicians shrank from supporting such drastic measures due to ideological and political interests.
In the face of this, Brezhnev's only options were schemes such as large land reclamation and irrigation projects, or of course, radical reform.
Over the eighteen years that Brezhnev ruled the Soviet Union, average income per head increased by half; three-quarters of this growth came in the s and early s.
During the second half of Brezhnev's reign, average income per head grew by one-quarter. This can be explained by Brezhnev's reversal of most of Khrushchev's policies.
When the USSR's economic growth stalled in the s, the standard of living and housing quality improved significantly.
This led to an increase, though a minor one, in public support. While some areas improved during the Brezhnev era, the majority of civilian services deteriorated and living conditions for Soviet citizens fell rapidly.
Diseases were on the rise  because of the decaying healthcare system. The living space remained rather small by First World standards, with the average Soviet person living on Thousands of Moscow inhabitants became homeless, most of them living in shacks, doorways and parked trams.
Nutrition ceased to improve in the late s, while rationing of staple food products returned to Sverdlovsk for instance.
The state provided recreation facilities and annual holidays for hard-working citizens. Soviet trade unions rewarded hard-working members and their families with beach vacations in Crimea and Georgia.
Social rigidification became a common feature of Soviet society. During the Stalin era in the s and s, a common labourer could expect promotion to a white-collar job if he studied and obeyed Soviet authorities.
In Brezhnev's Soviet Union this was not the case. Holders of attractive positions clung to them as long as possible; mere incompetence was not seen as a good reason to dismiss anyone.
While sharing some similarities with approaches pursued during the Khrushchev Thaw , Brezhnev's policy significantly differed from Khrushchev's precedent in two ways.
The first was that it was more comprehensive and wide-ranging in its aims, and included signing agreements on arms control, crisis prevention, East—West trade, European security and human rights.
The second part of the policy was based on the importance of equalizing the military strength of the United States and the Soviet Union.
In the s, the Soviet Union reached the peak of its political and strategic power in relation to the United States.
The first SALT Treaty effectively established parity in nuclear weapons between the two superpowers,  the Helsinki Treaty legitimized Soviet hegemony over Eastern Europe,  and the United States defeat in Vietnam and the Watergate scandal weakened the prestige of the United States.
Brezhnev and Nixon also agreed to pass the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty , which banned both countries from designing systems that would intercept incoming missiles so that neither the U.
The U. Nikita Khrushchev had initially supported North Vietnam out of "fraternal solidarity", but as the war escalated he had urged the North Vietnamese leadership to give up the quest of liberating South Vietnam.
He continued by rejecting an offer of assistance made by the North Vietnamese government, and instead told them to enter negotiations in the United Nations Security Council.
In February , Kosygin traveled to Hanoi with a dozen Soviet air force generals and economic experts.
During the Soviet visit, President Lyndon B. Johnson had authorized U. Johnson privately suggested to Brezhnev that he would guarantee an end to South Vietnamese hostility if Brezhnev would guarantee a North Vietnamese one.
Brezhnev was interested in this offer initially, but rejected the offer upon being told by Andrei Gromyko that the North Vietnamese government was not interested in a diplomatic solution to the war.
The Johnson administration responded to this rejection by expanding the American presence in Vietnam, but later invited the USSR to negotiate a treaty concerning arms control.
The USSR initially did not respond, because of the power struggle between Brezhnev and Kosygin over which figure had the right to represent Soviet interests abroad and later because of the escalation of the "dirty war" in Vietnam.
The North Vietnamese government failed to respond, and because of this, the U. After this event, Brezhnev concluded that seeking diplomatic solutions to the ongoing war in Vietnam was hopeless.
Later in , Johnson invited Kosygin to the United States to discuss ongoing problems in Vietnam and the arms race. The summit was marked by a friendly atmosphere, but there were no concrete breakthroughs by either side.
In the aftermath of the Sino—Soviet border conflict, the Chinese continued to aid the North Vietnamese regime, but with the death of Ho Chi Minh in , China's strongest link to Vietnam was gone.
While having been known for his anti-communist rhetoric, Nixon said in that the U. He later made a visit to Moscow to negotiate a treaty on arms control and the Vietnam war , but on Vietnam nothing could be agreed.
Soviet foreign relations with the People's Republic of China quickly deteriorated after Nikita Khrushchev 's attempts to reach a rapprochement with more liberal Eastern European states such as Yugoslavia and the west.
Leonid Brezhnev, a pragmatic politician who promoted the idea of "stabilization", could not comprehend why Mao would start such a "self-destructive" drive to finish the socialist revolution , according to himself.
In the aftermath of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia , the Soviet leadership proclaimed the Brezhnev doctrine , which said the USSR had the right to intervene in any fraternal communist state that did not follow the Soviet model.
By relations with other communist countries had deteriorated to a level where Brezhnev was not even able to gather five of the fourteen ruling communist parties to attend an international conference in Moscow.
In the aftermath of the failed conference, the Soviets concluded, "there were no leading center of the international communist movement.
Later in , Chinese forces started the Sino—Soviet border conflict. The conditions given to the Soviets by the Chinese were the reduction of Soviet military presence in the Sino—Soviet border and the withdrawal of Soviets troops in Afghanistan and the Mongolian People's Republic and to end their support for the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia.
Brezhnev responded in his March speech in Tashkent where he called for the normalization of relations. Full Sino—Soviet normalization of relations would prove to take years, until the last Soviet ruler, Mikhail Gorbachev came to power.
After the communist revolution in Afghanistan in , authoritarian actions forced upon the populace by the Communist regime led to the Afghan civil war , with the mujahideen leading the popular backlash against the regime.
His health had decayed, and proponents of direct military intervention took over the majority group in the Politburo by cheating and using falsified evidence.
They advocated a relatively moderate scenario, maintaining a cadre of 1, to 2,men Soviet military advisers and technicians in the country which had already been there in large numbers since the s ,  but they disagreed on sending regular army units in hundreds of thousands of troops.
Some believe that Brezhnev's signature on the decree was obtained without telling him the full story, otherwise he would have never approved such a decision.
Soviet ambassador to the U. Anatoly Dobrynin believed that the real mastermind behind the invasion, who misinformed Brezhnev, was Mikhail Suslov.
Parts of the Soviet military establishment were opposed to any sort of active Soviet military presence in Afghanistan, believing that the Soviet Union should leave Afghan politics alone.
President Carter, following the advice of his National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski , denounced the intervention, describing it as the "most serious danger to peace since ".
The invasion led to public protests by dissidents in various Eastern Bloc countries. Brezhnev's subsequent announcement that the Soviet Union had the right to interfere in the internal affairs of its satellites to "safeguard socialism" became known as the Brezhnev Doctrine ,  although it was really a restatement of existing Soviet policy, as enacted by Khrushchev in Hungary in In the aftermath of the invasion, Brezhnev reiterated it in a speech at the Fifth Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party on 13 November .
When forces that are hostile to socialism try to turn the development of some socialist country towards capitalism, it becomes not only a problem of the country concerned, but a common problem and concern of all socialist countries.
When the situation in Czechoslovakia was discussed with the Politburo, Brezhnev was not the one pushing hardest for the use of military force.
Significant voices in the Soviet leadership demanded the re-installation of a so-called ' revolutionary government'. After the military intervention in , Brezhnev met with Czechoslovak reformer Bohumil Simon , then a member of the Politburo of the Czechoslovak Communist Party , and said, "If I had not voted for Soviet armed assistance to Czechoslovakia you would not be sitting here today, but quite possibly I wouldn't either.
In a political crisis emerged in Poland with the emergence of the Solidarity mass movement. In a formal letter to Brezhnev, Honecker proposed a joint military measure to control the escalating problems in Poland.
A CIA report suggested the Soviet military were mobilizing for an invasion. In —81 representatives from the Eastern Bloc nations met at the Kremlin to discuss the Polish situation.
Brezhnev eventually concluded on 10 December that it would be better to leave the domestic matters of Poland alone, reassuring the Polish delegates that the USSR would intervene only if asked to.
With domestic matters escalating out of control in Poland, Wojciech Jaruzelski imposed a state of war , the Polish version of martial law, on 13 December Russian historian Roy Medvedev emphasizes the bureaucratic mentality and personality strengths that enabled Brezhnev to gain power.
He was loyal to his friends, vain in desiring ceremonial power, and refused to control corruption inside the party.
Especially in foreign affairs, Brezhnev increasingly took all major decisions in his own hands, without telling his colleagues in the Politburo.
His love of medals he received over was well known, so in December , on his 60th birthday, he was awarded the Hero of the Soviet Union.
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It is mandatory to procure user consent prior to running these cookies on your website. Sinbad Visual 4 editions published between and in English and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide Elliot Knight stars as Sinbad; an impetuous young man on a quest for redemption, condemned to keep searching for a way to lift the curse that chains him to the seas, until he can find the goodness in himself.
The eighth century Arabia is a melting pot of cultures, faiths and creatures, full of life and dynamism but also threatening and volatile.
Before their journey is over, Sinbad and his crew of outcasts will not only have to brave their own demons, but some dangerous enemies.
His life goes smoothly until Ikari comes to the institute; an enigmatic pupil with whom Pol becomes fascinated. An unexplained death and a series of strange events transform the peaceful student life into a fantastic adventure that will absorb the protagonists.
Tormented by Jon Wright Visual 2 editions published in in English and held by 27 WorldCat member libraries worldwide "Can revenge reach beyond the grave?
When Darren Mullet, an awkward, bullied boy commits suicide, few kids at his school can do anything but snicker, except for sweet Justine, who delivers a eulogy but admits she can't remember ever meeting the boy.
But Mullet knew her, and remembered every humiliation he suffered at school. When his unrepentant tormentors begin getting weird and threatening text messages from the dead boy's phone, they believe they're being pranked by his only friend, the timid Jason.
But when taunting texts turn into actual torture and murder, no one at school is safe and everyone is a suspect, even Justine"--Container.
Sinbad Visual 3 editions published in in English and held by 26 WorldCat member libraries worldwide On the run from his home town of Basra after the death of his brother, the reckless but charming Sinbad finds himself cast out to sea, cursed to never spend more than a day and night on land.
Susan Bones. Columbus, Isabella. Girl in Bookstore. Columbus, Violet. Girl With Flowers. Cordice, Louis. Blaise Zabini. Coulson, Christian.
Tom Marvolo Riddle. Baby in Portrait. Dale, Emily. Katie Bell. Davis, Freddie. Old Man in Portrait. Davis, Warwick.
Professor Flitwick. Madame Maxime. Deadman, Derek. Dillane, Frank. Tom Riddle im Alter von 16 Jahren. Douglas, Hazel.
Bathilda Bagshot. Douglas, Rochelle. Alicia Spinnet. Doyle, Louis. Ernie Macmillan. Edmonds, Mike. Kobald in Gringotts. Enoch, Alfred. Dean Thomas.
Fairley, Michelle. Fearn, Scott. Adrian Pucey. Fearon, Ray. Felton, Tom. Draco Malfoy. Ferris, Pam. Marge Dursley. Fiennes, Ralph.
Lord Voldemort. Fiennes-Tiffin, Hero. Tom Riddle im Alter von elf Jahren. Fisher-Becker, Simon. Der Fette Mönch. Ford, Abby. Young Witch Maid.
French, Dawn. Fat Lady in Painting. Gambon, Michael. Albus Dumbledore. Gardner, Jimmy. Ernie Prang. Gaunt, Genevieve. George, River.
Gleeson, Brendan. Mad-Eye Moody. Gleeson, Domhnall. Bill Weasley. Glover, Julian. Aragog Stimme. Griffiths, Richard.
Vernon Dursley. Grint, Rupert. Ron Weasley. Hardy, Timothy. Cornelius Fudge. Harris, George. Kingsley Shacklebolt. Harris, Richard. Hart, Ian.
Professor Quirrel. Head, Katie. Junger Zwilling 1. Henderson, Shirley. Maulende Myrte. Henry, Lenwoth. Shrunken Head Stimme.
Herdman, Joshua. Gregory Goyle. Aberforth Dumbledore. Holmes, David. Slytherin Beater 1. Hopkins, Alec. Hughes, Charles. Junger Peter Pettigrew.
Hunt, Rod. Thorfinn Rowle. Hunter, Kathryn. Arabella Figg. Hurt, John. Mr Ollivander. Ianevski, Stanislav. Viktor Krum. Ifans, Rhys.
Xenophilius Lovegood. Ineson, Ralph. Amycus Carrow. Ingleby, Lee. Stan Shunpike. Isaacs, Jason. Lucius Malfoy. Jarvis, Robbie.
Junger James Potter. Jones, Gemma. Madam Pomfrey. Jones, Toby. Kelly, Ian. Khanna, Paul. Knight, Tom. Mr Granger. Knox, Robert.
Marcus Belby. Laughland, Isabella. Leaf, Richard. Legeno, Dave. Fenrir Greyback. Leonidas, Georgina. Leung, Katie.
Cho Chang. Lewis, Matthew. Neville Longbottom. Linden, Andy. Mundungus Fletcher. Lloyd-Hughes, Henry.
Roger Davies. Lloyd-Pack, Roger. Barty Crouch. Lynch, Evanna. Luna Lovegood.